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Embracing the goals and provisions of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.
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IV
116TH CONGRESS
1ST SESSION
H. RES. 302
Embracing the goals and provisions of the Treaty on the Prohibition of
Nuclear Weapons.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
APRIL 10, 2019
Mr. MCGOVERN (for himself and Mr. BLUMENAUER) submitted the following
resolution; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and
in addition to the Committee on Armed Services, for a period to be subse-
quently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such
provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned
RESOLUTION
Embracing the goals and provisions of the Treaty on the
Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.
Whereas since the height of the Cold War, the United States
and Russia have dismantled more than 50,000 nuclear
warheads, but 14,500 of these weapons still exist and
pose an intolerable risk to human survival;
Whereas 95 percent of these weapons are in the hands of the
United States and Russia and the rest are held by seven
other countries: China, France, Israel, India, North
Korea, Pakistan, and the United Kingdom;
Whereas the use of even a tiny fraction of these weapons
could cause worldwide climate disruption and global fam-
ine—for example, as few as 100 Hiroshima-sized bombs,
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small by modern standards, if used to attack urban in-
dustrial targets would put at least 5,000,000 tons of soot
into the upper atmosphere and cause climate disruption
across the planet, cutting food production and putting
2,000,000,000 people at risk of starvation;
Whereas according to scientific studies and models, a large-
scale nuclear war could kill hundreds of millions of people
directly and cause unimaginable environmental damage
and catastrophic climate disruption by dropping tempera-
tures across the planet to levels not seen since the last
ice age; under these conditions much of humanity might
face starvation and humans might even be at grave risk
as a species;
Whereas despite assurances that these arsenals exist solely to
guarantee that they are never used, there have been
many occasions when nuclear armed states have prepared
to use these weapons, and war has been averted only at
the last minute;
Whereas the current nuclear weapons policies of the United
States do not inherently prevent their use;
Whereas in the 2003 documentary, ‘‘The Fog of War: Eleven
Lessons from the Life of Robert S. McNamara’’, former
Defense Secretary Robert McNamara said, when describ-
ing the Cuban Missile Crisis, ‘‘It was luck that prevented
nuclear war’’—yet the nuclear policy of the United States
should not be based on the hope that ‘‘luck’’ will con-
tinue;
Whereas the United States intelligence community’s January
29, 2019, annual assessment of worldwide threats warned
that the effects of climate change and environmental deg-
radation increase stress on communities around the world
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and intensify global instability and the likelihood of con-
flict, causing the danger of using nuclear weapons or nu-
clear war to grow;
Whereas in October 2017, the Congressional Budget Office
estimated that the Nuclear Modernization Plan to up-
grade and enhance nearly every element of the nuclear
arsenal of the United States would result in costs of more
than $1,200,000,000,000 over 30 years, not adjusting for
inflation;
Whereas the Congressional Budget Office further estimates
that annual spending on nuclear weapons will peak at
about $50,000,000,000 during the late 2020s and early
2030s;
Whereas a February 6, 2018, report by the Government Ac-
countability Office report warned that the ‘‘National Nu-
clear Security Administration’s (NNSA) plans to mod-
ernize its nuclear weapons do not align with its budget,
raising affordability concerns’’, thereby increasing the
pressure on the defense budget and the implicit trade-offs
within that budget, diverting crucial resources needed to
assure the well-being of the American people and the
ability to respond to global crises and priorities, increas-
ing the potential risk of nuclear accidents, and helping
fuel a global arms race;
Whereas, on February 2, 2019, the United States and the
Russian Federation withdrew from the Intermediate-
Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, signed in 1987 by Presi-
dent Ronald Reagan and Soviet Union leader Mikhail
Gorbachev, which has prohibited the development and de-
ployment of ground-launched nuclear missiles with ranges
of 310 miles to 3,420 miles, and has resulted in each
country dismantling more than 2,500 missiles and has
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kept nuclear-tipped cruise missiles off the European con-
tinent for three decades, thus sparking increased concern
in a renewed nuclear arms race between the two coun-
tries and other nuclear-armed nations; and
Whereas, on July 7, 2017, an alternative global nuclear pol-
icy was adopted by 122 nations by signing the Treaty on
the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, which calls for the
elimination of all nuclear weapons: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That it is the sense of the House of Rep-
1
resentatives that the United States—
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(1) calls on the President to embrace the goals
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and provisions of the Treaty on the Prohibition of
4
Nuclear Weapons and make nuclear disarmament
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the centerpiece of the national security policy of the
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United States; and
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(2) calls on the Secretary of State, the Sec-
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retary of Defense, all other Federal and congres-
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sional leaders of the United States and the Amer-
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ican people to lead a global effort to prevent nuclear
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war by—
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(A) renouncing the option of using nuclear
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weapons first;
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(B) ending the President’s sole authority
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to launch a nuclear attack;
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(C) taking the nuclear weapons of the
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United States off hair-trigger alert;
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(D) canceling the plan to replace the nu-
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clear arsenal of the United States with modern-
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ized, enhanced weapons; and
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(E) actively pursuing a verifiable agree-
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ment among nuclear-armed states to mutually
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eliminate their nuclear arsenals.
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Æ
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