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I
117TH CONGRESS
1ST SESSION H. R. 3837
To reduce and eliminate threats posed by nuclear weapons to the United
States, and for other purposes.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
JUNE 11, 2021
Mr. MCGOVERN (for himself, Mr. BEYER, Mr. BLUMENAUER, and Mr.
GARAMENDI) introduced the following bill; which was referred to the
Committee on Armed Services, and in addition to the Committee on For-
eign Affairs, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker,
in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the juris-
diction of the committee concerned
A BILL
To reduce and eliminate threats posed by nuclear weapons
to the United States, and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa-
1
tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
2
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
3
This Act may be cited as the ‘‘Hastening Arms Limi-
4
tations Talks Act of 2021’’ or the ‘‘HALT Act of 2021’’.
5
SEC. 2. FINDINGS.
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Congress makes the following findings:
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(1) The use of nuclear weapons poses an exis-
1
tential threat to humanity, a fact that led President
2
Ronald Reagan and Soviet Premier Mikhail Gorba-
3
chev to declare in a joint statement in 1987 that a
4
‘‘nuclear war cannot be won and must never be
5
fought’’.
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(2) On June 12, 1982, an estimated 1,000,000
7
people attended the largest peace rally in United
8
States history, in support of a movement to freeze
9
and reverse the nuclear arms race, a movement that
10
helped to create the political will necessary for the
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negotiation of several bilateral arms control treaties
12
between the United States and former Soviet Union,
13
and then the Russian Federation. Those treaties
14
contributed to strategic stability through mutual and
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verifiable reciprocal nuclear weapons reductions.
16
(3) Since the advent of nuclear weapons in
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1945, millions of people around the world have stood
18
up to demand meaningful, immediate international
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action to halt, reduce, and eliminate the threats
20
posed by nuclear weapons, nuclear weapons testing,
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and nuclear war, to humankind and the planet.
22
(4) In 1970, the Treaty on the Non-Prolifera-
23
tion of Nuclear Weapons done at Washington, Lon-
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don, and Moscow July 1, 1968 (21 UST 483) (com-
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•HR 3837 IH
monly referred to as the ‘‘Nuclear Non-Proliferation
1
Treaty’’ or the ‘‘NPT’’) entered into force, which in-
2
cludes a binding obligation on the 5 nuclear-weapon
3
states (commonly referred to as the ‘‘P5’’), among
4
other things, ‘‘to pursue negotiations in good faith
5
on effective measures relating to the cessation of the
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nuclear arms race . . . and to nuclear disar-
7
mament’’.
8
(5) Bipartisan United States global leadership
9
has curbed the growth in the number of countries
10
possessing nuclear weapons and has slowed overall
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vertical proliferation among countries already pos-
12
sessing nuclear weapons, as is highlighted by a more
13
than 85-percent reduction in the United States nu-
14
clear weapons stockpile from its Cold War height of
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31,255 in 1967.
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(6) The United States testing of nuclear weap-
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ons is no longer necessary as a result of the fol-
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lowing major technical developments since the Sen-
19
ate’s consideration of the Comprehensive Nuclear-
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Test-Ban Treaty (commonly referred to as the
21
‘‘CTBT’’) in 1999:
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(A) The verification architecture of the
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Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban-Treaty Orga-
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•HR 3837 IH
nization
(commonly
referred
to
as
the
1
‘‘CTBTO’’)—
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(i) has made significant advance-
3
ments, as seen through its network of 300
4
International Monitoring Stations and its
5
International Data Centre, which together
6
provide for the near instantaneous detec-
7
tion of nuclear explosives tests, including
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all 6 such tests conducted by North Korea
9
between 2006 and 2017; and
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(ii) is operational 24 hours a day, 7
11
days a week.
12
(B) Since the United States signed the
13
CTBT, confidence has grown in the science-
14
based Stockpile Stewardship and Management
15
Plan of the Department of Energy, which forms
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the basis of annual certifications to the Presi-
17
dent regarding the continual safety, security,
18
and effectiveness of the United States nuclear
19
deterrent in the absence of nuclear testing,
20
leading former Secretary of Energy Ernest
21
Moniz to remark in 2015 that ‘‘lab directors
22
today now state that they certainly understand
23
much more about how nuclear weapons work
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than during the period of nuclear testing’’.
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•HR 3837 IH
(7) Despite the progress made to reduce the
1
number and role of, and risks posed by, nuclear
2
weapons, and to halt the Cold War-era nuclear arms
3
race, tensions between countries that possess nuclear
4
weapons are on the rise, key nuclear risk reduction
5
treaties are under threat, significant stockpiles of
6
weapons-usable fissile material remain, and a quali-
7
tative global nuclear arms race is now underway
8
with each of the countries that possess nuclear
9
weapons spending tens of billions of dollars each
10
year to maintain and improve their arsenals.
11
(8) The Russian Federation is pursuing the de-
12
velopment of destabilizing types of nuclear weapons
13
that are not presently covered under any existing
14
arms control treaty or agreement and the People’s
15
Republic of China, India, Pakistan, and North
16
Korea have each taken concerning steps to diversify
17
their more modest sized, but nonetheless very dead-
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ly, nuclear arsenals.
19
(9) Former President Donald J. Trump’s 2018
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Nuclear Posture Review called for the development
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two new nuclear weapons capabilities, which have
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the effect of lowering the threshold for nuclear weap-
23
ons use:
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•HR 3837 IH
(A) A low-yield warhead on a submarine-
1
launched ballistic missile, which was deployed
2
before the date of the enactment of this Act.
3
(B) A sea-launched cruise missile, still
4
under development on the date of the enact-
5
ment of this Act.
6
(10) On February 3, 2021, President Joseph R.
7
Biden preserved binding and verifiable limits on the
8
deployed and non-deployed strategic forces of the
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largest two nuclear weapons powers through the
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five-year extension of the Treaty between the United
11
States of America and the Russian Federation on
12
Measures for the Further Reduction and Limitation
13
of Strategic Offensive Arms, signed April 8, 2010,
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and entered into force February 5, 2011 (commonly
15
referred to as the ‘‘New START Treaty’’).
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(11) In 2013, the report on a nuclear weapons
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employment strategy of the United States submitted
18
under section 492 of title 10, United States Code,
19
determined that it is possible to ensure the security
20
of the United States and allies and partners of the
21
United States and maintain a strong and credible
22
strategic deterrent while safely pursuing up to a 1⁄3
23
reduction in deployed nuclear weapons from the level
24
established in the New START Treaty.
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•HR 3837 IH
(12) On January 12, 2017, then-Vice President
1
Biden stated, ‘‘[G]iven our non-nuclear capabilities
2
and the nature of today’s threats—it’s hard to envi-
3
sion a plausible scenario in which the first use of nu-
4
clear weapons by the United States would be nec-
5
essary. Or make sense.’’.
6
(13) In light of moves by the United States and
7
other countries to increase their reliance on nuclear
8
weapons, a global nuclear freeze would seek to halt
9
the new nuclear arms race by seeking conclusion of
10
a comprehensive and verifiable freeze on the testing,
11
deployment, and production of nuclear weapons and
12
delivery vehicles for such weapons.
13
SEC. 3. STATEMENT OF POLICY.
14
The following is the policy of the United States:
15
(1) The United States should build upon its
16
decades long, bipartisan efforts to reduce the num-
17
ber and salience of nuclear weapons by leading inter-
18
national negotiations on specific arms-reduction
19
measures as part of a 21st century global nuclear
20
freeze movement.
21
(2) Building on the successful extension of the
22
New START Treaty, the United States should en-
23
gage with all other countries that possess nuclear
24
weapons to seek to negotiate and conclude future
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•HR 3837 IH
multilateral arms control, disarmament, and risk re-
1
duction agreements, which should contain some or
2
all of the following provisions:
3
(A) An agreement by the United States
4
and the Russian Federation on a follow-on trea-
5
ty or agreement to the New START Treaty
6
that may lower the central limits of the Treaty
7
and cover new kinds of strategic delivery vehi-
8
cles or non-strategic nuclear weapons.
9
(B) An agreement on a verifiable freeze on
10
the testing, production, and further deployment
11
of all nuclear weapons and delivery vehicles for
12
such weapons.
13
(C) An agreement that establishes a
14
verifiable numerical ceiling on the deployed
15
shorter-range and intermediate-range and stra-
16
tegic delivery systems (as defined by the INF
17
Treaty and the New START Treaty, respec-
18
tively) and the nuclear warheads associated
19
with such systems belonging to the P5, and to
20
the extent possible, all countries that possess
21
nuclear weapons, at August 2, 2019, levels.
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(D) An agreement by each country to
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adopt a policy of no first use of nuclear weap-
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•HR 3837 IH
ons or provide transparency into its nuclear de-
1
claratory policy.
2
(E) An agreement on a proactive United
3
Nations Security Council resolution that ex-
4
pands access by the International Atomic En-
5
ergy Agency to any country found by the Board
6
of Governors of that Agency to be noncompliant
7
with its obligations under the NPT.
8
(F) An agreement to refrain from config-
9
uring nuclear forces in a ‘‘launch on warning’’
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or ‘‘launch under warning’’ nuclear posture,
11
which may prompt a nuclear armed country to
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launch a ballistic missile attack in response to
13
detection by an early-warning satellite or sensor
14
of a suspected incoming ballistic missile.
15
(G) An agreement not to target or inter-
16
fere in the nuclear command, control, and com-
17
munications (commonly referred to as ‘‘NC3’’)
18
infrastructure of another country through a ki-
19
netic attack or a cyberattack.
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(H) An agreement on transparency meas-
21
ures or verifiable limits, or both, on hypersonic
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cruise missiles and glide vehicles that are fired
23
from sea-based, ground, and air platforms.
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•HR 3837 IH
(I) An agreement to provide a baseline and
1
continuous exchanges detailing the aggregate
2
number of active nuclear weapons and associ-
3
ated systems possessed by each country.
4
(3) The United States should rejuvenate efforts
5
in the United Nations Conference on Disarmament
6
toward the negotiation of a verifiable Fissile Mate-
7
rial Treaty or Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty, or
8
move negotiations to another international body or
9
fora, such as a meeting of the P5. Successful conclu-
10
sion of such a treaty would verifiably prevent any
11
country’s production of highly enriched uranium and
12
plutonium for use in nuclear weapons.
13
(4) The United States should convene a series
14
of head-of-state level summits on nuclear disar-
15
mament modeled on the Nuclear Security Summits
16
process, which saw the elimination of the equivalent
17
of 3,000 nuclear weapons.
18
(5) The President should seek ratification by
19
the Senate of the CTBT and mobilize all countries
20
covered by Annex 2 of the CTBT to pursue similar
21
action to hasten entry into force of the CTBT. The
22
entry into force of the CTBT, for which ratification
23
by the United States will provide critical momentum,
24
will activate the CTBT’s onsite inspection provision
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•HR 3837 IH
to investigate allegations that any country that is a
1
party to the CTBT has conducted a nuclear test of
2
any yield.
3
(6) The President should make the accession of
4
North Korea to the CTBT a component of any final
5
agreement in fulfilling the pledges the Government
6
of North Korea made in Singapore, as North Korea
7
is reportedly the only country to have conducted a
8
nuclear explosive test since 1998.
9
(7) The United States should—
10
(A) refrain from developing any new de-
11
signs for nuclear warheads or bombs, but espe-
12
cially designs that could add a level of technical
13
uncertainty into the United States stockpile and
14
thus renew calls to resume nuclear explosive
15
testing in order to test that new design; and
16
(B) seek reciprocal commitments from
17
other countries that possess nuclear weapons.
18
SEC. 4. PROHIBITION ON USE OF FUNDS FOR NUCLEAR
19
TEST EXPLOSIONS.
20
(a) IN GENERAL.—None of the funds authorized to
21
be appropriated or otherwise made available for fiscal year
22
2022 or any fiscal year thereafter, or authorized to be ap-
23
propriated or otherwise made available for any fiscal year
24
before fiscal year 2022 and available for obligation as of
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•HR 3837 IH
the date of the enactment of this Act, may be obligated
1
or expended to conduct or make preparations for any ex-
2
plosive nuclear weapons test that produces any y
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