Federal
Berta Cáceres Human Rights in Honduras Act
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I
117TH CONGRESS
1ST SESSION H. R. 1574
To suspend United States security assistance with Honduras until such time
as human rights violations by Honduran security forces cease and their
perpetrators are brought to justice.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
MARCH 3, 2021
Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia (for himself, Ms. SCHAKOWSKY, Ms. KAPTUR, Ms.
OMAR, Mr. GARCI´A of Illinois, Mr. CASTRO of Texas, Mr. BEYER, Mr.
BLUMENAUER, Ms. BONAMICI, Mr. CICILLINE, Mr. CLEAVER, Mr.
DANNY K. DAVIS of Illinois, Mr. DEFAZIO, Mr. ESPAILLAT, Ms. ESHOO,
Ms. GARCIA of Texas, Ms. SCANLON, Mr. GRIJALVA, Ms. NORTON, Mr.
HUFFMAN, Ms. JAYAPAL, Mr. KHANNA, Mr. KIND, Mr. KILMER, Mr.
LEVIN of Michigan, Mr. LOWENTHAL, Mr. LYNCH, Mr. MCGOVERN, Ms.
MOORE of Wisconsin, Mr. MOULTON, Mrs. NAPOLITANO, Ms. OCASIO-
CORTEZ, Mr. PANETTA, Ms. PINGREE, Mr. POCAN, Ms. PRESSLEY, Mr.
RASKIN, Miss RICE of New York, Mr. RUSH, Ms. TLAIB, Mr. TONKO,
Ms. VELA´ZQUEZ, Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN, Mr. VARGAS, and Mr.
WELCH) introduced the following bill; which was referred to the Com-
mittee on Foreign Affairs, and in addition to the Committee on Financial
Services, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in
each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdic-
tion of the committee concerned
A BILL
To suspend United States security assistance with Honduras
until such time as human rights violations by Honduran
security forces cease and their perpetrators are brought
to justice.
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Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa-
1
tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
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SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
3
This Act may be cited as the ‘‘Berta Ca´ceres Human
4
Rights in Honduras Act’’.
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SEC. 2. FINDINGS.
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Congress finds the following:
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(1) The Honduran military and police are wide-
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ly established to be deeply corrupt and commit
9
human rights abuses, including torture, rape, illegal
10
detention, and murder, with impunity.
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(2) The New York Times revealed documents
12
on April 15, 2016, indicating that top officials of the
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Honduran police ordered the killings of drug-crime
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investigators Julia´n Arı´stides Gonza´les and Alfredo
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Landaverde in 2009 and 2011, respectively, with the
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subsequent knowledge of top police and, evidently,
17
high-ranking government officials. The Times sug-
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gested in a subsequent article that the revelations
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were being manipulated by the President of Hon-
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duras for his own corrupt purposes. Both cases re-
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main in impunity.
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(3) Individuals in the military and police with
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documented records of having committed gross
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human rights abuses with impunity continue to serve
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in, and be appointed and reappointed to high posi-
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tions with state security forces. Former Army gen-
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eral in the Armed Forces Julian Pacheco Tinoco, the
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Minister of Security, was the highest ranking official
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in charge of the repression of protesters by the po-
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lice following the November 27, 2017, election, and
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has been twice named in United States Federal
7
court as overseeing drug trafficking. He was re-
8
appointed to his position by President Juan Orlando
9
Herna´ndez in December 2018.
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(4) Other individuals who previously served in
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high-ranking positions and who are documented to
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have committed gross human rights abuses continue
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in impunity. In January 2021, United States Fed-
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eral prosecutors filed new motions with the Depart-
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ment of Justice in the Southern District of New
16
York that implicate senior military, police, political,
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and business figures in laundering money, bribery,
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and murder, including former head of National Po-
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lice, Juan Carlos ‘‘El Tigre’’ Bonilla Valladares.
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(5) International human rights bodies have re-
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ported that the Honduran military and police com-
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mit human rights abuses, including killings, with im-
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punity. The Associated Press has documented death
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squad activity by police. Human Rights Watch has
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reported: ‘‘The use of lethal force by the national po-
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lice is a chronic problem.’’. The United Nations
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Working Group on Business and Human Rights
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stated in 2019 that ‘‘numerous evictions, seeking to
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allow business to operate, have been conducted with
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the excessive use of force by police and military . . .
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resulting in the loss of life and grave injury to peo-
7
ple’’.
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(6) The Department of State’s 2019 Human
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Rights Report for Honduras reported: ‘‘Civilian au-
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thorities at times did not maintain effective control
11
over the security forces.’’. It summarized: ‘‘Signifi-
12
cant human rights issues included: unlawful or arbi-
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trary killings, including extrajudicial killings; tor-
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ture; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions;
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arbitrary arrest or detention.’’. In 2020, Human
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Rights Watch reported that ‘‘Security forces com-
17
mitted abuses while enforcing a nationwide COVID–
18
19
lockdown
that
President
Juan
Orlando
19
Herna´ndez imposed in March.’’.
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(7) Repeated efforts to clean up the Honduran
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police have largely failed. A recent commission
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charged with cleaning up the police reports that it
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has cleaned up over 5,000 members, but the great
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majority of those were separated for reasons of re-
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structuring, retirements, or disabilities. Only ap-
1
proximately 100 cases of alleged criminal activity
2
have been forwarded to the Public Ministry for pros-
3
ecution. Few of those are being prosecuted. The ac-
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tions and results of the police cleanup commission
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have not been independently verified, moreover, and
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its directors include Julian Pacheco Tinoco, the Min-
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ister of Security, named as a drug trafficker, and
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Vilma Morales, one of the top two negotiators for
9
the leader of the 2009 coup. Long-lasting, funda-
10
mental reform of the police still needs to be enacted.
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UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human
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rights defenders determined that, ‘‘progress (on po-
13
lice clean up) is diminished by the involvement of
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the armed forces in carrying out police functions and
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maintaining public order since 2011’’. In its report
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for 2020, Human Rights Watch concludes: ‘‘Efforts
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to reform public-security institutions have stalled.
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Marred by corruption and abuse, the judiciary and
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police remain largely ineffective. Impunity for
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human rights abuses, violent crime, and corruption
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remains the norm’’.
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(8) Evidence indicates that topmost officials in
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charge of the police have been allegedly involved in
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drug trafficking. The National Director of the Police
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and his top two lieutenants have been documented
1
by the Associated Press to have previously partici-
2
pated in cocaine trafficking. Julian Pacheco Tinoco,
3
the Minister of Security, reappointed in December
4
2018, has been twice named in United States Fed-
5
eral court as overseeing drug trafficking. United
6
States Federal prosecutors have released documents
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implicating Honduran President Juan Orlando
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Herna´ndez in a drug trafficking and money laun-
9
dering conspiracy with his brother Juan Antonio
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Herna´ndez. In October 2019, Tony Herna´ndez was
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convicted of drug conspiracy in United States Fed-
12
eral Court.
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(9) Human rights organizations have docu-
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mented that the Fifteenth Battalion of the Hon-
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duran Armed Forces allegedly participated with po-
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lice and private security forces in some of the
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killings of over 100 small-farmer, agrarian reform
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activists in the Agua´n Valley beginning in 2010. In
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2015, Human Rights Watch confirmed that the
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killings of Agua´n farmers were met with no con-
21
sequences. To date there has been one confirmed
22
conviction of a private security guard. Assassinations
23
of key activists continue. In October 2016, Jose´
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Angel
Flores,
the
president
of
the
Unified
25
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Campesino Movement of the Agua´n (MUCA), and
1
Silmer Dionisio George, another MUCA member,
2
were assassinated, with impunity. Local human
3
rights organizations report a chronic problem with
4
witness intimidation coupled with reports that the
5
identity of witnesses is leaked by police investigators.
6
Violence, threats, and criminalization of agrarian re-
7
form advocates in the region continues.
8
(10) Further examples abound of human rights
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abuses by the military: in July 2013 members of the
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Armed Forces shot and killed Toma´s Garcı´a, a
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Lenca Indigenous activist, and injured his son while
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they were peacefully protesting a dam project; in
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May 2014, nine members of the Ninth Infantry re-
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portedly tortured and killed Amado Maradiaga
15
Quiroz and tortured his son, Milton Noe Maradiaga
16
Varela. The case remains in impunity. In an em-
17
blematic case, on December 27, 2015, the Honduran
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Navy reportedly killed Joel Palacios Lino and Elvis
19
Armando Garcı´a, two Garı´funa Afro-Indigenous men
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who were engaged in digging a car out of the sand
21
on a beach. Ten members of the Honduran military
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were convicted of the killing of these 2 men, under-
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scoring that egregious human rights are committed
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by state security forces. On June 20, 2019, Eblin
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Noe Corea, a 17-year-old student leader was killed
1
by the military while participating in a protest with
2
the Platform in Defense of Health and Education.
3
On April 24, 2020, state security forces beat three
4
brothers in Omoa, Cortes, shooting two of them and
5
killing one after they were arbitrarily detained for
6
selling bread. A member of the Army assigned to the
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Maya Chorti Task Force, is accused of the killing.
8
(11) The current Government of Honduras has
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expanded the military’s reach into domestic policing,
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including the creation of a 4,300-member Military
11
Police in clear violation of the Honduran constitu-
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tion and with disastrous results, including the
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killings of a 15-year-old boy, Ebed Yanes, in 2012
14
and a student, Erlin Misael Carı´as Moncada, in
15
2014, after they had passed unarmed through check-
16
points, and the January 2, 2017, killing of 17-year-
17
old Edgardo Moreno Rodriquez. While one member
18
of the armed forces was convicted and sentenced in
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the case of Yanes, the case of the United States-
20
trained colonel who allegedly subsequently ordered a
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cover-up remains in impunity. Since the creation of
22
the Military Police, ‘‘allegations of human rights
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abuses by the military have increased notably’’, re-
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ports Human Rights Watch. The Military Police
25
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now count 9 battalions and plan 2 additional battal-
1
ions.
2
(12) During the crisis that erupted following
3
the highly contested November 2017 Presidential
4
election, massive protests against electoral fraud and
5
the constitutionality of disputed re-election campaign
6
of President Juan Orlando Herna´ndez emerged
7
throughout the country. The United Nations and the
8
Committee of Families of the Detained and Dis-
9
appeared in Honduras (COFADEH) have docu-
10
mented that in response, Honduran state security
11
forces killed at least 23 people, many of them pro-
12
testers and bystanders; one additional person re-
13
mains forcibly disappeared by state security forces.
14
The great majority of the victims, according to the
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UN and COFADEH reports, were killed by the Mili-
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tary Police. All these cases remain in impunity. In
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addition, 3 people accused of crimes while protesting
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were imprisoned for 2 years while awaiting trial
19
under dire, life-threatening conditions; 3 years later
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they continue to be subjected to criminal proceedings
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characterized by procedural delays and obstruction
22
of fundamental rights including the right to work. A
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fourth remains in exile.
24
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(13) The Military Police continue to commit se-
1
rious human rights abuses. On November 30, 2017,
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Daniel Isaac Varela, age 12, was wounded by mem-
3
bers of the military police in Comayagu¨ela during a
4
post-election demonstration while he was purchasing
5
candy with friends and the military opened fire. On
6
December 3, 2017, Manuel de Jesu´s Bautista Sal-
7
vador disappeared while held in detention by the
8
Military Police in Cofradı´a, Corte´s, and his where-
9
abouts remain unknown. In response to the COVID–
10
19 pandemic, the Government of Honduras declared
11
a state of emergency in March 2020 authorizing a
12
militarized lockdown and suspension of constitu-
13
tional guarantees resulting in an ‘‘alarming in-
14
crease’’ in human rights violations by state security
15
forces, including attacks on human rights defenders,
16
journalists,
and
citizens
protesting
for
food.
17
COFADEH reports that with militarization of the
18
country, there has been a reactivation of death
19
squads resulting in 17 forced disappearances in
20
2020.
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(14) The Honduran judicial system has been
22
widely documented to be rife with corruption.
23
Judges, prosecutors, and other officials are inter-
24
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connected with organized crime and drug traffickers,
1
contributing to near-complete impunity.
2
(15) The Department of State in its 2019
3
Human Rights Report for Honduras reports that
4
‘‘there were several reports that the government or
5
its agents commi
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