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Reaffirming the sense of the House of Representatives that the United States must lead the world in preventing further nuclear proliferation, while also reducing and eventually eliminating all nuclear weapons.
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IV
116TH CONGRESS
2D SESSION
H. RES. 1222
Reaffirming the sense of the House of Representatives that the United States
must lead the world in preventing further nuclear proliferation, while
also reducing and eventually eliminating all nuclear weapons.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
NOVEMBER 16, 2020
Mr. BEYER submitted the following resolution; which was referred to the
Committee on Foreign Affairs
RESOLUTION
Reaffirming the sense of the House of Representatives that
the United States must lead the world in preventing
further nuclear proliferation, while also reducing and
eventually eliminating all nuclear weapons.
Whereas, in the 1984 State of the Union Address, President
Reagan said, ‘‘A nuclear war cannot be won and must
never be fought’’;
Whereas the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons has been a
bedrock principle of United States foreign policy since
1945;
Whereas the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons was ratified by the United States in 1968, and
extended indefinitely in 1995, and depends upon the full
implementation by all States Parties of three mutually
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reinforcing pillars: nonproliferation, access to peaceful
uses of nuclear energy under safeguards, and disar-
mament;
Whereas the United States maintains a safe, secure, and ef-
fective nuclear deterrent to provide for the national de-
fense of the United States and to bolster the security of
the allies of the United States, while also pursuing a
number of arms control, disarmament, and nonprolifera-
tion agreements designed to end dangerous nuclear com-
petition and the spread of nuclear weapons-related tech-
nologies and to ensure strategic stability, reduce nuclear
risks, and protect the United States homeland and allies
of the United States;
Whereas the United States is now at risk of losing all the
agreements that have underpinned strategic stability and
nuclear risk reduction;
Whereas the Treaty between the United States of America
and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Elimi-
nation of Their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range
Missiles (in this resolution referred to as the ‘‘INF Trea-
ty’’) successfully led to the total ban on the possession,
production, and flight-testing of land-based nuclear and
conventional ballistic missiles, cruise missiles, and missile
launchers with ranges of 500 kilometers to 5,500 kilo-
meters;
Whereas, as a result of the INF Treaty, the United States
and the Soviet Union destroyed a total of 2,692 short-
, medium-, and intermediate-range missiles by the trea-
ty’s implementation deadline of June 1, 1991;
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Whereas the United States formally withdrew from the INF
Treaty on August 2, 2019, with no plan to avert a new
and destabilizing intermediate-range missile arms race;
Whereas the Treaty on Open Skies, signed in 1992 and in
effect since 2002, is a vital instrument of confidence-
building and verification for the United States and the
allies of the United States;
Whereas the Treaty on Open Skies has permitted unarmed
surveillance flights over the territories of 34 countries, in-
cluding Russia, with the purpose of enhancing mutual
understanding of the military forces and activities of con-
cern to them;
Whereas, on May 22, 2020, the President announced his in-
tent to withdraw from the Treaty on Open Skies in six
months due to continued concerns over compliance with
the Treaty’s provisions by Russia;
Whereas this announcement did not comply with section 1234
of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal
Year 2020 (Public Law 116–92; 133 Stat. 1648; 22
U.S.C. 2593a note) that requires the Secretary of De-
fense and the Secretary of State to notify Congress at
least 120 days before a formal notice is sent to treaty de-
positories about an intent to leave the Treaty on Open
Skies, and was made despite objections expressed by
United States allies;
Whereas the Treaty between the United States of America
and the Russian Federation on Measures for the Further
Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (in
this resolution referred to as the ‘‘New START Treaty’’)
entered into force on February 5, 2011, and is scheduled
to expire on February 5, 2021, unless the United States
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and Russia agree to extend the Treaty by a period of up
to five years;
Whereas the New START Treaty has strengthened the nu-
clear security and strategic stability of the United States
by reducing the number of strategic systems in Russia’s
nuclear arsenal and providing the United States with the
inspection and monitoring tools necessary to confidently
verify Russian compliance with the Treaty;
Whereas maintaining legally binding, verifiable limits on Rus-
sian strategic nuclear forces is in the national security in-
terest of the United States;
Whereas the Department of State has repeatedly verified that
Russia is in full compliance with the New START Trea-
ty, including most recently in the June 2020 report to
Congress on ‘‘Adherence to and Compliance with Arms
Control, Nonproliferation, and Disarmament Agreements
and Commitments’’;
Whereas the New START Treaty has not and does not re-
strict the nuclear modernization programs of the United
States nor limit the missile defense efforts of the United
States, and the United States continues to assure allies
of guarantees by the United States to their security;
Whereas if the New START Treaty is allowed to expire, the
United States will be faced with an unconstrained Rus-
sian nuclear arsenal for the first time since 1972, and
the United States will be discarding decades of progress
to maintain nuclear deterrence at a much lower level of
strategic nuclear arsenals, from which the United States,
NATO, and other allies have all benefitted;
Whereas a perceived retreat by the United States from arms
control and international affairs more broadly has caused
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allies and partners across the globe to doubt the United
States commitment to meet its own nuclear disarmament
obligations under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons, which could compromise United States
efforts to strengthen the nuclear nonproliferation system;
Whereas Congress has historically taken a bipartisan ap-
proach to arms control initiatives, including the bipar-
tisan vote of 71–26 in the Senate to provide its advice
and consent to the ratification of the New START Trea-
ty on December 22, 2010, demonstrating that Congress
can be a close partner with the executive branch in the
shaping of the arms control policies of the United States;
and
Whereas there are bipartisan bills in Congress to urge an ex-
tension of the New START Treaty, the last remaining
treaty constraining the world’s two largest nuclear arse-
nals, and former officials who served under Republican
and Democratic administrations, military leaders, and
nuclear policy experts agree that the Treaty should be ex-
tended: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the House of Representatives—
1
(1) reaffirms that effective arms control trea-
2
ties, and other confidence-building and verification
3
agreements, that successfully limit and reduce nu-
4
clear weapons and curb nuclear competition are im-
5
portant tools that strengthen the security of the
6
United States and international security;
7
(2) strongly supports a sustained and intensive
8
dialogue with Russia and China to reduce the
9
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threats posed by nuclear weapons, and underscores
1
that effective arms control has always been an area
2
of crucial and necessary dialogue, even during the
3
lowest points in bilateral and multilateral relations;
4
(3) recognizes that the United States and Rus-
5
sia, which possess more than 90 percent of the
6
world’s 13,000 nuclear weapons, have a special re-
7
sponsibility to reduce the nuclear danger, and are
8
committed to do so under the Treaty on the Non-
9
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons;
10
(4) calls on the President to extend the New
11
START Treaty for five years without further delay
12
to give the United States, in consultation with allies,
13
the time and space needed to pursue a broader,
14
more comprehensive arms control agenda with Rus-
15
sia and China that addresses all types of nuclear
16
weapons and emerging technologies that can affect
17
strategic stability; and
18
(5) calls on the current administration to imme-
19
diately withdraw its declared intent to leave the
20
Treaty on Open Skies, which allies, partners, and
21
arms control experts all agree is a vital instrument
22
of confidence-building and verification for the United
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States and its objectives for promoting international
1
security and strategic stability.
2
Æ
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