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A resolution calling on the Government of Cameroon and separatist armed groups from the English-speaking Northwest and Southwest regions to end all violence, respect the human rights of all Cameroonians, and pursue a genuinely inclusive dialogue toward resolving the ongoing civil conflict in Anglophone Cameroon.
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III
116TH CONGRESS
2D SESSION
S. RES. 684
Calling on the Government of Cameroon and separatist armed groups from
the English-speaking Northwest and Southwest regions to end all vio-
lence, respect the human rights of all Cameroonians, and pursue a
genuinely inclusive dialogue toward resolving the ongoing civil conflict
in Anglophone Cameroon.
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
SEPTEMBER 8, 2020
Mr. RISCH (for himself, Mr. CARDIN, Mr. YOUNG, Mr. LANKFORD, Mr.
RUBIO, Mr. MARKEY, Mr. COONS, Mr. VAN HOLLEN, Ms. BALDWIN, Mr.
DURBIN, Mr. WARNER, Mr. MERKLEY, Mr. KAINE, Mr. SULLIVAN, Mr.
CRUZ, Mr. BOOKER, Mr. BROWN, Ms. KLOBUCHAR, Ms. SMITH, and Mr.
MURPHY) submitted the following resolution; which was referred to the
Committee on Foreign Relations
JANUARY 1, 2021
Committee discharged; considered, amended, and agreed to with an amended
preamble
RESOLUTION
Calling on the Government of Cameroon and separatist
armed groups from the English-speaking Northwest and
Southwest regions to end all violence, respect the human
rights of all Cameroonians, and pursue a genuinely inclu-
sive dialogue toward resolving the ongoing civil conflict
in Anglophone Cameroon.
Whereas Cameroon is beset with multiple security challenges,
including a Boko Haram insurgency in the Far North re-
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gion, cross-border conflict and criminality by Central Af-
rican militia groups to the east, and a civil war involving
the Government of Cameroon and Anglophone separatist
armed groups in the Northwest and Southwest regions;
Whereas the official actions and policies of the Francophone-
dominated Government of Cameroon have repressed
English-speaking Cameroonians politically and economi-
cally throughout the history of Cameroon, dating back to
the reunification of British-administered Southern Cam-
eroons and French Cameroun under a federal system in
October 1961;
Whereas, in June 1972, following a national referendum, a
new constitution was adopted that abolished the federal
system, changed the name of the country from the Fed-
eral Republic of Cameroon to the United Republic of
Cameroon, and gave additional powers to the presidency;
Whereas Paul Biya, the oldest head of state in Africa, has
been the President of Cameroon since 1982, maintaining
his grip on power by centralizing authority in the execu-
tive, undermining the Constitution of Cameroon, imped-
ing democratic governance through corrupt practices,
using security services to repress the opposition, and con-
ducting elections marred by widespread irregularities and
allegations of fraud;
Whereas key decentralization reforms enacted in the Con-
stitution of Cameroon in 1996, which mandated the es-
tablishment of a decentralized unitary state, ‘‘equality of
all citizens before the law’’, the equal status of French
and English as official languages, and the establishment
of local authorities with ‘‘administrative and financial au-
tonomy’’, remain largely unrealized, though an enabling
law was adopted in December 2019;
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Whereas, throughout his tenure, President Biya has spent ex-
tended periods in Europe, pursued government policies
exclusively benefitting the Francophone majority in Cam-
eroon, and crippled many parastatals and private enter-
prises in the Northwest and Southwest regions, further
marginalizing English-speaking Cameroonians;
Whereas, in October 2016, English-speaking lawyers, stu-
dents, and teachers in the Northwest and Southwest re-
gions of Cameroon took to the streets to peacefully pro-
test marginalization of English-speaking Cameroonians
by the Government of Cameroon in the legal and edu-
cation systems, as exemplified by the appointment of
French-speaking judges and teachers in the Northwest
and Southwest regions and the publishing of important
legislation solely in the French language;
Whereas those peaceful protests by English-speaking lawyers,
students, and teachers were met with excessive force by
the police and gendarmerie of Cameroon, which led to
gross human rights violations, the arrest of lawyers,
teachers, and Anglophone civic leaders, and their deten-
tion in the notorious Kondengui prison in Yaounde´;
Whereas, amid broader protests across the Northwest and
Southwest regions demanding greater autonomy from the
central government of Cameroon, on October 1, 2017, the
56th anniversary of the end of British trusteeship over
Southern Cameroons, the Anglophone crisis escalated as
separatist armed groups declared independence from
Cameroon;
Whereas, in 2017, Anglophone separatist armed groups re-
sponded to the repressive and violent actions of the Gov-
ernment of Cameroon by targeting government officials
and facilities as well as civilians and traditional leaders
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seen as sympathetic to the Government of Cameroon and
brutally enforcing ‘‘ghost town operations’’ (general
strikes) and school boycotts in the Northwest and South-
west regions;
Whereas lengthy government-imposed shutdowns of the inter-
net and social media in the Northwest and Southwest re-
gions, totaling 240 days between 2017 and 2018, had a
devastating impact on the economies and educational in-
stitutions in the regions, undermined freedom of expres-
sion, prevented the free flow of information related to the
conflict, and restricted the ability of local communities to
interact and communicate;
Whereas the conflict in the Northwest and Southwest regions
of Cameroon has caused considerable instability and
human suffering, with more than 3,000 deaths linked to
the conflict as of 2018, with more recent figures difficult
to ascertain due to lack of access to the Northwest and
Southwest regions, and according to United Nations
agencies, as of 2020, approximately 3,000,000 people in
Cameroon are in need of humanitarian assistance, ap-
proximately 60,000 Cameroonian refugees have fled to
Nigeria, and approximately 700,000 persons are inter-
nally displaced;
Whereas numerous credible reports from human rights mon-
itors, including the United Nations High Commissioner
for Human Rights, have documented the excessive use of
force by government security forces against Cameroonian
civilians living in the Anglophone regions, including the
burning of villages, the use of live ammunition against
protestors, arbitrary arrest and detention, torture, sexual
abuse, and killing of civilians, including women, children,
and the elderly;
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Whereas the Department of State 2019 Country Report on
Human Rights Practices for Cameroon documented
killings of civilians, kidnappings, abductions, and hostage
taking, beatings, attacks on health workers and media,
restrictions on movements of persons and goods, and use
of child soldiers by armed Anglophone separatists;
Whereas the United Nations Children’s Fund estimates that
more than 855,000 children are out of school due to the
conflict, and the Department of State added Cameroon to
the Child Soldiers Prevention Act List in the 2020 Traf-
ficking in Persons Report as a foreign government ‘‘iden-
tified during the previous year as having governmental
armed forces, police, or other security forces, or govern-
ment-supported armed groups that recruit or use child
soldiers’’;
Whereas United States citizen Charles Wesco was shot and
killed near the town of Bamenda, Cameroon, on October
30, 2018, and, in November 2018, the Department of
State stated, ‘‘In memory of American missionary
Charles Wesco and all others who have lost their lives in
the Anglophone Crisis, we urge all sides to end the vio-
lence and enter into broad-based reconciliatory dialogue
without preconditions.’’;
Whereas, in June 2019, the Government of Switzerland an-
nounced that, together with the Centre for Humanitarian
Dialogue, it was facilitating a dialogue between the Gov-
ernment of Cameroon and armed opposition groups to
support a resolution of the Anglophone crisis;
Whereas, in September 2019, President Biya hastily an-
nounced a Major National Dialogue, chaired by Prime
Minister Ngute from September 30 to October 4, 2019,
in Yaounde´, ‘‘to examine the ways and means to respond
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to the deeply-held aspirations of the populations in the
Northwest and Southwest’’;
Whereas, though the Major National Dialogue led to some
concessions by the Government of Cameroon on broader
democratization issues, such as the release of some polit-
ical prisoners, including the leader of the Cameroon Ren-
aissance Movement, Maurice Kamto, and some of his as-
sociates after nine months of detention, it failed to bring
separatist groups to the table;
Whereas, since the Major National Dialogue, the killing of ci-
vilians and other atrocities continue to be recorded across
the Northwest and Southwest regions, including in towns
and villages such as Babanki, Bamenda, Bangem, Buea,
Mamfe, Muyuka, Pinyin, and Ngarbuh, and the Govern-
ment of Cameroon recently has resumed its attack on the
political opposition, placing Mr. Kamto under house ar-
rest and detaining dozens of his supporters;
Whereas national and international outrage followed the mas-
sacre of at least 23 people, including 15 children and 2
pregnant women, by government security forces and al-
lied militia on February 14, 2020, in Ngarbuh, Donga
Mantung division, in the Northwest region, and a com-
mission of inquiry established by Cameroonian authorities
ultimately led to the arrest and charging of 3 soldiers for
murder;
Whereas, on June 5, 2020, amidst increasing concern over
attacks on freedom of the press and detention of journal-
ists on politically motivated charges in recent years, Cam-
eroon authorities confirmed that an Anglophone jour-
nalist covering the conflict, Samuel Ajiekah Abuwe,
known as Wazizi, who was arrested in August 2019 and
transferred to a military facility, died in custody shortly
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after his arrest, an acknowledgment that led to wide-
spread condemnation and calls for an independent in-
quiry;
Whereas the Rapid Intervention Battalion (BIR) of the Gov-
ernment of Cameroon, which has been accused of torture
and extrajudicial killings and implicated in massacres like
that of February 14, 2020, has received training and
support from the United States, potentially in contraven-
tion of legal requirements that ‘‘no assistance shall be
furnished . . . to any unit of the security forces of a for-
eign country if the Secretary of State has credible infor-
mation that such unit has committed a gross violation of
human rights’’;
Whereas, in February 2019, the Department of State an-
nounced that it would withhold some security assistance
to Cameroon, including equipment and training, citing
credible allegations of human rights violations by state
security forces and a lack of investigation, accountability,
and transparency by the Government of Cameroon in re-
sponse;
Whereas, on December 26, 2019, the United States termi-
nated the designation of Cameroon as a beneficiary under
the African Growth and Opportunity Act (19 U.S.C.
3701 et seq.) because ‘‘the Government of Cameroon cur-
rently engages in gross violations of internationally recog-
nized human rights’’;
Whereas a European Parliament resolution, passed on April
18, 2019, urged inclusive political dialogue to resolve the
Anglophone crisis, called for the conflict to be considered
by the United Nations Security Council, and urged the
European Union to ‘‘use the political leverage provided
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by development aid and other bilateral programmes to
enhance the defense of human rights in Cameroon’’;
Whereas France maintains considerable interests in Cam-
eroon, including significant economic and security co-
operation, but has not adequately used its influence to
stem atrocities committed in the Anglophone regions or
support stronger international action to seek resolution to
the conflict;
Whereas the United Nations Resident and Humanitarian Co-
ordinator for Cameroon stated on January 24, 2019, that
‘‘Cameroon can no longer be a forgotten crisis; it needs
to be high on our agenda’’, and, on June 22, 2020, a
group of former world leaders and 5 Nobel Peace Laure-
ates called on the United Nations Security Council and
the United Nations Secretary-General, the African
Union,
the
Commonwealth
of
Nations,
and
La
Francophonie to ‘‘ensure that Cameroon’s Anglophone
conflict is on the agenda of the forthcoming UN Security
Council meeting and all UNOCA sessions before the
UNSC’’;
Whereas, on May 13, 2019, an Arria-formula meeting on the
humanitarian crisis in Cameroon was held for the United
Nations Security Council, but a formal meeting on the
situation in Cameroon has not yet been placed on the
United Nations Security Council agenda;
Whereas, on July 1, 2020, in Resolution 2532 (2020), the
United Nations Security Council unanimously underlined
its support of the appeal of the United Nations Sec-
retary-General for a global ceasefire in all conflicts as the
world battles the COVID–19 pandemic; and
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Whereas there is a significant Cameroonian diaspora in the
United States, and Cameroon is a longstanding security
partner and aid recipient of the United States, partici-
pating in the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partner-
ship (TSCTP) led by the Department of State and in
United States-supported efforts to counter Boko Haram
and the Islamic State–West Africa, both of which have
mounted terrorist operations in the Far North region of
Cameroon since 2014: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the Senate—
1
(1) strongly condemns abuses committed by
2
state security forces and armed groups in the North-
3
west and Southwest
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