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II
116TH CONGRESS
2D SESSION
S. 3314
To seek a diplomatic resolution to Iran’s nuclear program, and for other
purposes.
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
FEBRUARY 13, 2020
Mr. MARKEY
(for himself, Mrs. FEINSTEIN, Mr. VAN
HOLLEN, Ms.
DUCKWORTH, and Mr. SANDERS) introduced the following bill; which was
read twice and referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations
A BILL
To seek a diplomatic resolution to Iran’s nuclear program,
and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa-
1
tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
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SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
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This Act may be cited as the ‘‘Iran Diplomacy Act
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of 2020’’.
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SEC. 2. FINDINGS.
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Congress makes the following findings:
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(1) The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action
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(JCPOA) was agreed to on July 14, 2015, by China,
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France, Germany, Russia, the United Kingdom, the
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United States, the European Union, and Iran.
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(2) When it was fully implemented by all par-
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ties, the JCPOA had increased the amount of time
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it would take Iran to acquire enough fissile material
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for one nuclear weapon, provided a political decision
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to do so, from approximately two to three months to
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at least one year.
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(3) The JCPOA blocked Iran’s uranium, pluto-
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nium, and covert pathways to a nuclear weapon, in
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the period when all sides had fully implemented their
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commitments, in part by—
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(A) imposing verifiable limits on Iran’s
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uranium enrichment and plutonium production
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capabilities;
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(B) reducing the number of Iran’s installed
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centrifuges by two-thirds; and
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(C) permitting the International Atomic
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Energy Agency (IAEA) to monitor and verify of
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all stages of Iran’s nuclear fuel cycle to include
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requesting short-notice access to ‘‘verify the
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non-diversion of declared material’’ and ‘‘ab-
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sence of undeclared nuclear material and activi-
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ties’’ in Iran, consistent with its provisional im-
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plementation of the Additional Protocol to its
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IAEA Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement.
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(4) The 2018 Department of State Compliance
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Report concluded, ‘‘Tehran’s adherence to these
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commitments will hinder its ability to produce a nu-
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clear weapon even after the time-bound provisions of
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the deal expire, helping to ensure that its nuclear
7
program remains exclusively peaceful in nature’’.
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(5) On January 29, 2019, Director of the Cen-
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tral Intelligence Agency (CIA) Gina Haspel, testified
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before the Select Committee on Intelligence of the
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Senate that ‘‘at the moment, technically they [Iran]
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are in compliance,’’ with the JCPOA.
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(6) On January 29, 2019, a worldwide threat
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assessment issued by Director of National Intel-
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ligence Dan Coats, observed that the United States
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‘‘[does] not believe that Iran is currently under-
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taking the key activities we judge necessary to
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produce a nuclear device’’ and ‘‘Iran’s continued im-
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plementation of the JCPOA has extended the
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amount of time Iran would need to produce enough
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fissile material for a nuclear weapon from a few
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months to about one year’’.
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(7) On May 8, 2018, President Donald J.
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Trump announced the unilateral abrogation of the
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United States from the JCPOA, and announced that
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the United States would re-impose all United States
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sanctions that had been lifted after Iran verifiably
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met its nuclear-related commitments under the
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agreement on the agreement’s implementation day of
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January 16, 2016.
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(8) Whereas the United States move to abro-
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gate the JCPOA is a violation of its commitments
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under the agreement and is inconsistent with the
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United States reputation of honoring agreements to
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which it is a party, making the future conclusion of
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such agreements more difficult.
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(9) Prior to Iran’s first breach of the JCPOA
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on May 8, 2019, quarterly reports from the IAEA
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Board of Governors Reports found that since ‘‘im-
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plementation day,’’ on January 16, 2016, Iran’s nu-
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clear program was consistent with the restrictions
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under the JCPOA.
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(10) Following the removal of nearly all re-
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maining waivers to United States nuclear-related
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sanctions on May 2, 2019, the Government of Iran
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has committed a series of reversible but concerning
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breaches of the JCPOA, including by exceeding: the
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allowable stock of low-enriched uranium and heavy
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water; the number of installed centrifuges at its pilot
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enrichment facility; and the permitted Low Enriched
1
Uranium (LEU) enrichment level of 3.67 percent of
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the Uranium U–235 isotope.
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(11) Since the full re-imposition of United
4
States nuclear-related sanctions, the Government of
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Iran has also engaged in a series of escalatory ac-
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tions outside its nuclear program that have put the
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United States Armed Forces, diplomats, and stra-
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tegic partners at risk and have heightened the threat
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of an armed conflict with Iran, including the fol-
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lowing events:
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(A) May 12–13, 2019, the Department of
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Defense faulted Iran for an attack on four oil
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tankers belonging to Saudi Arabia, the United
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Arab Emirates, and Norway.
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(B) On June 13, 2019, Secretary Mike
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Pompeo stated that it was the United States
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assessment that Iran was responsible for the at-
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tack on two Saudi oil tankers.
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(C) On June 20, 2019, the Government of
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Iran shot down a United States Unmanned
21
Aerial Vehicle (UAV). Reportedly, President
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Trump authorized retaliatory strikes against
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targets in Iran before rescinding the order for
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fear that the Iranian loss of life in such a strike
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would be ‘‘disproportionate’’.
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(D) On July 24, 2019, the Government of
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Iran announced the seizure of a British-flagged
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tanker in the Strait of Hormuz.
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(E) On September 14, 2019, the United
6
States Government concluded that the Govern-
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ment of Iran was responsible for UAV and
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cruise missile strikes at Saudi Arabia’s energy
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infrastructure at Khurais and Abqaiq, which
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caused significant damage to Saudi Arabia’s oil
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energy production.
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(F) On November 19, 2019, the Govern-
13
ment of Israel concluded that Iranian forces in
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Syria fired four rockets intended for the Golan
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Heights.
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(12) Following the unauthorized United States
17
strike resulting in the death of General Qassem
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Soleimani on January 3, 2020, Iran announced as
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was anticipated that it would no longer be bound by
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the limits of the JCPOA, while also noting that it
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would remain as a party to the Treaty on the Non-
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Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, done at Wash-
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ington, London, and Moscow July 1, 1968 (NPT),
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and would fully cooperate with IAEA monitoring
1
and verification activities.
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(13) Iran has made no meaningful progress on
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the 12 conditions Secretary of State Pompeo out-
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lined as preconditions for the United States to enter
5
into an agreement with Iran, clearly demonstrating
6
that the administration’s policy of ‘‘maximum pres-
7
sure’’ has not favorably changed Iran’s behavior.
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Further, Department of Defense officials have been
9
warning for more than a year that the Trump Ad-
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ministration’s ‘‘maximum pressure’’ campaign raised
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the risk of retaliation against United States troops
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and diplomatic personnel.
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(14) On January 14, 2020, the foreign min-
14
isters of France, Germany, and the United Kingdom
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issued a joint statement that refers the issue of
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Iran’s non-compliance to the Dispute Resolution
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Mechanism of the Joint Commission, while noting
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both their ‘‘determination to work with all partici-
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pants to preserve (the agreement)’’ and ‘‘and that
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they remain convinced that this landmark multilat-
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eral international agreement and its nonproliferation
22
benefits enhance our shared security interests and
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strengthen the rules-based international order’’.
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(15) On February 13, 2020, a bipartisan ma-
1
jority in the United States Senate directed the
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President to remove United States Armed Forces
3
from hostilities against Iran or any part of its gov-
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ernment or military, unless otherwise explicitly au-
5
thorized by Congress. This direction, which followed
6
passage of a similar measure in the House of Rep-
7
resentatives on January 9, 2020, provides an oppor-
8
tunity for de-escalation of tensions and renewed dip-
9
lomatic engagement between the United States and
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Iran.
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SEC. 3. STATEMENT OF POLICY.
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It is the policy of the United States as follows:
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(1) Achieving a diplomatic resolution to Iran’s
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nuclear program, one that the United States had in
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place prior to President Trump’s unilateral abroga-
16
tion from the JCPOA, would represent a meaningful
17
step to preventing a future armed conflict between
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the United States and Iran, one which would result
19
in the untold loss of life and treasure.
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(2) While the United States no longer has
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standing in the Joint Commission or the Dispute
22
Resolution mechanism triggered by France, Ger-
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many, and the United Kingdom on January 14,
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2020, it should support good-faith efforts to achieve
1
one or both of the following:
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(A) Returning all sides to not less than full
3
compliance with its commitments under the
4
JCPOA and refraining from imposing or
5
threatening to impose economic penalties on
6
France, Germany, or the United Kingdom.
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(B) Negotiating an interim agreement that
8
provides Iran with tailored, temporary economic
9
relief in exchange for verifiable measures by
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Iran that reverses steps taken since May 2019
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with respect to its nuclear program.
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(3) Provided that all sides verifiably return to
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compliance with no less than its commitments under
14
the JCPOA, or to build upon the progress of an in-
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terim agreement described in paragraph (2)(B), the
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United States and the other P5+1 parties should
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seek out negotiations with Iran, prior to 2023, to-
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wards a new comprehensive agreement that closes
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off all Iranian paths to a nuclear weapon by—
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(A) addressing the sunset of certain provi-
21
sions of the JCPOA in 2026; and
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(B) advancing any other measures that ad-
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vance United States and international security.
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(4) Parallel to one or more of the actions de-
1
scribed in paragraph (2), the United States and its
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international partners should seek to address other
3
aspects of Iran’s destabilizing actions in the region
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and work to bring Iran back to compliance with its
5
human rights obligations.
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(5) No JCPOA Participating State should issue
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a claim of ‘‘significant nonperformance’’ by Iran to
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the United Nations Security Council outside of the
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Dispute Resolution mechanism detailed in para-
10
graphs 36 and 37 of the JCPOA.
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(6) The United States should, consistent with
12
its JCPOA commitments, issue waivers for coopera-
13
tive projects specified in the JCPOA, all of which
14
make it more difficult for Iran to reconstitute activi-
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ties that pose a proliferation risk, thereby advancing
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United States and international security.
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(7) The United States should create an environ-
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ment in which financial institutions and entities can
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make practical use of existing exemptions and mech-
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anisms ‘‘allowing for the sale of agricultural com-
21
modities, food, medicine, and medical devices to
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Iran,’’ as well as other humanitarian trade.
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