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II
116TH CONGRESS
1ST SESSION
S. 1356
To enhance transparency and accountability for online political advertisements
by requiring those who purchase and publish such ads to disclose infor-
mation about the advertisements to the public, and for other purposes.
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
MAY 7, 2019
Ms. KLOBUCHAR (for herself, Mr. GRAHAM, and Mr. WARNER) introduced the
following bill; which was read twice and referred to the Committee on
Rules and Administration
A BILL
To enhance transparency and accountability for online polit-
ical advertisements by requiring those who purchase and
publish such ads to disclose information about the adver-
tisements to the public, and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa-
1
tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
2
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
3
This Act may be cited as the ‘‘Honest Ads Act’’.
4
SEC. 2. PURPOSE.
5
The purpose of this Act is to enhance the integrity
6
of American democracy and national security by improving
7
disclosure requirements for online political advertisements
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in order to uphold the United States Supreme Court’s
1
well-established standard that the electorate bears the
2
right to be fully informed.
3
SEC. 3. FINDINGS.
4
Congress makes the following findings:
5
(1) On April 18, 2019, Special Counsel Robert
6
Mueller released a report titled ‘‘Report on the In-
7
vestigation into Russian Interference in the 2016
8
Presidential Election’’, which concluded that ‘‘the
9
Russian government interfered in the 2016 presi-
10
dential election in sweeping and systemic fashion.’’.
11
The report details that Russia interfered in the 2016
12
presidential election principally through two oper-
13
ations: first, through a Russian government spon-
14
sored social media influence campaign, and second,
15
by Russian intelligence ‘‘computer-intrusion’’ oper-
16
ations against those associated with both presi-
17
dential campaigns.
18
(2) On September 6, 2017, the Nation’s largest
19
social media platform disclosed that between June
20
2015 and May 2017, Russian entities purchased
21
$100,000 in political advertisements, publishing
22
roughly 3,000 ads linked to fake accounts associated
23
with the Internet Research Agency, a pro-Kremlin
24
organization. According to the company, the ads
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purchased focused ‘‘on amplifying divisive social and
1
political messages . . .’’.
2
(3) In 2002, the Bipartisan Campaign Reform
3
Act became law, establishing disclosure requirements
4
for political advertisements distributed from a tele-
5
vision or radio broadcast station or provider of cable
6
or satellite television. In 2003, the Supreme Court
7
upheld regulations on electioneering communications
8
established under the Act, noting that such require-
9
ments ‘‘provide the electorate with information and
10
insure that the voters are fully informed about the
11
person or group who is speaking.’’.
12
(4) According to a study from Borrell Associ-
13
ates, in 2016, $1,415,000,000 was spent on online
14
advertising, more than quadruple the amount in
15
2012.
16
(5) The reach of a few large internet plat-
17
forms—larger than any broadcast, satellite, or cable
18
provider—has greatly facilitated the scope and effec-
19
tiveness of disinformation campaigns. For instance,
20
the largest platform has over 210,000,000 American
21
users—over 160,000,000 of them on a daily basis.
22
By contrast, the largest cable television provider has
23
22,430,000 subscribers, while the largest satellite
24
television provider has 21,000,000 subscribers. And
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the most-watched television broadcast in U.S. his-
1
tory had 118,000,000 viewers.
2
(6) The public nature of broadcast television,
3
radio, and satellite ensures a level of publicity for
4
any political advertisement. These communications
5
are accessible to the press, fact-checkers, and polit-
6
ical opponents; this creates strong disincentives for
7
a candidate to disseminate materially false, inflam-
8
matory, or contradictory messages to the public. So-
9
cial media platforms, in contrast, can target portions
10
of the electorate with direct, ephemeral advertise-
11
ments often on the basis of private information the
12
platform has on individuals, enabling political adver-
13
tisements that are contradictory, racially or socially
14
inflammatory, or materially false.
15
(7) According to comScore, 2 companies own 8
16
of the 10 most popular smartphone applications as
17
of June 2017, including the most popular social
18
media and email services—which deliver information
19
and news to users without requiring proactivity by
20
the user. Those same 2 companies accounted for 99
21
percent of revenue growth from digital advertising in
22
2016, including 77 percent of gross spending. 79
23
percent of online Americans—representing 68 per-
24
cent of all Americans—use the single largest social
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network, while 66 percent of these users are most
1
likely to get their news from that site.
2
(8) In its 2006 rulemaking, the Federal Elec-
3
tion Commission noted that only 18 percent of all
4
Americans cited the internet as their leading source
5
of news about the 2004 Presidential election; by con-
6
trast, the Pew Research Center found that 65 per-
7
cent of Americans identified an internet-based
8
source as their leading source of information for the
9
2016 election.
10
(9) The Federal Election Commission, the inde-
11
pendent Federal agency charged with protecting the
12
integrity of the Federal campaign finance process by
13
providing transparency and administering campaign
14
finance laws, has failed to take action to address on-
15
line political advertisements.
16
(10) In testimony before the Senate Select
17
Committee on Intelligence titled, ‘‘Disinformation: A
18
Primer in Russian Active Measures and Influence
19
Campaigns,’’ multiple expert witnesses testified that
20
while the disinformation tactics of foreign adver-
21
saries have not necessarily changed, social media
22
services now provide ‘‘platform[s] practically pur-
23
pose-built for active measures[.]’’ Similarly, as Gen.
24
(RET) Keith B. Alexander, the former Director of
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the National Security Agency, testified, during the
1
Cold War ‘‘if the Soviet Union sought to manipulate
2
information flow, it would have to do so principally
3
through its own propaganda outlets or through ac-
4
tive measures that would generate specific news:
5
planting of leaflets, inciting of violence, creation of
6
other false materials and narratives. But the news
7
itself was hard to manipulate because it would have
8
required actual control of the organs of media, which
9
took long-term efforts to penetrate. Today, however,
10
because the clear majority of the information on so-
11
cial media sites is uncurated and there is a rapid
12
proliferation of information sources and other sites
13
that can reinforce information, there is an increasing
14
likelihood that the information available to average
15
consumers may be inaccurate (whether intentionally
16
or otherwise) and may be more easily manipulable
17
than in prior eras.’’.
18
(11) Current regulations on political advertise-
19
ments do not provide sufficient transparency to up-
20
hold the public’s right to be fully informed about po-
21
litical advertisements made online.
22
SEC. 4. SENSE OF CONGRESS.
23
It is the sense of Congress that—
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(1) the dramatic increase in digital political ad-
1
vertisements, and the growing centrality of online
2
platforms in the lives of Americans, requires the
3
Congress and the Federal Election Commission to
4
take meaningful action to ensure that laws and reg-
5
ulations provide the accountability and transparency
6
that is fundamental to our democracy;
7
(2) free and fair elections require both trans-
8
parency and accountability which give the public a
9
right to know the true sources of funding for polit-
10
ical advertisements in order to make informed polit-
11
ical choices and hold elected officials accountable;
12
and
13
(3) transparency of funding for political adver-
14
tisements is essential to enforce other campaign fi-
15
nance laws, including the prohibition on campaign
16
spending by foreign nationals.
17
SEC. 5. EXPANSION OF DEFINITION OF PUBLIC COMMU-
18
NICATION.
19
(a) IN GENERAL.—Paragraph (22) of section 301 of
20
the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 (52 U.S.C.
21
30101(22)) is amended by striking ‘‘or satellite commu-
22
nication’’ and inserting ‘‘satellite, paid internet, or paid
23
digital communication’’.
24
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(b) TREATMENT OF CONTRIBUTIONS AND EXPENDI-
1
TURES.—Section 301 of such Act (52 U.S.C. 30101) is
2
amended—
3
(1) in paragraph (8)(B)—
4
(A) by striking ‘‘on broadcasting stations,
5
or in newspapers, magazines, or similar types of
6
general public political advertising’’ in clause
7
(v) and inserting ‘‘in any public communica-
8
tion’’;
9
(B) by striking ‘‘broadcasting, newspaper,
10
magazine, billboard, direct mail, or similar type
11
of general public communication or political ad-
12
vertising’’ in clause (ix)(1) and inserting ‘‘pub-
13
lic communication’’; and
14
(C) by striking ‘‘but not including the use
15
of broadcasting, newspapers, magazines, bill-
16
boards, direct mail, or similar types of general
17
public communication or political advertising’’
18
in clause (x) and inserting ‘‘but not including
19
use in any public communication’’; and
20
(2) in paragraph (9)(B)—
21
(A) by striking clause (i) and inserting the
22
following:
23
‘‘(i) any news story, commentary, or
24
editorial distributed through the facilities
25
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•S 1356 IS
of any broadcasting station or any print,
1
online, or digital newspaper, magazine,
2
blog, publication, or periodical, unless such
3
broadcasting, print, online, or digital facili-
4
ties are owned or controlled by any polit-
5
ical party, political committee, or can-
6
didate;’’; and
7
(B) by striking ‘‘on broadcasting stations,
8
or in newspapers, magazines, or similar types of
9
general public political advertising’’ in clause
10
(iv) and inserting ‘‘in any public communica-
11
tion’’.
12
(c) DISCLOSURE AND DISCLAIMER STATEMENTS.—
13
Subsection (a) of section 318 of such Act (52 U.S.C.
14
30120) is amended—
15
(1) by striking ‘‘financing any communication
16
through any broadcasting station, newspaper, maga-
17
zine, outdoor advertising facility, mailing, or any
18
other type of general public political advertising’’
19
and inserting ‘‘financing any public communication’’;
20
and
21
(2) by striking ‘‘solicits any contribution
22
through any broadcasting station, newspaper, maga-
23
zine, outdoor advertising facility, mailing, or any
24
other type of general public political advertising’’
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and inserting ‘‘solicits any contribution through any
1
public communication’’.
2
SEC. 6. EXPANSION OF DEFINITION OF ELECTIONEERING
3
COMMUNICATION.
4
(a) EXPANSION TO ONLINE COMMUNICATIONS.—
5
(1) APPLICATION TO QUALIFIED INTERNET AND
6
DIGITAL COMMUNICATIONS.—
7
(A) IN
GENERAL.—Subparagraph (A) of
8
section 304(f)(3) of the Federal Election Cam-
9
paign Act of 1971 (52 U.S.C. 30104(f)(3)(A))
10
is amended by striking ‘‘or satellite communica-
11
tion’’ each place it appears in clauses (i) and
12
(ii) and inserting ‘‘satellite, or qualified internet
13
or digital communication’’.
14
(B) QUALIFIED
INTERNET
OR
DIGITAL
15
COMMUNICATION.—Paragraph (3) of section
16
304(f) of such Act (52 U.S.C. 30104(f)) is
17
amended by adding at the end the following
18
new subparagraph:
19
‘‘(D) QUALIFIED
INTERNET
OR
DIGITAL
20
COMMUNICATION.—The term ‘qualified internet
21
or digital communication’ means any commu-
22
nication which is placed or promoted for a fee
23
on an online platform (as defined in subsection
24
(j)(3)).’’.
25
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(2) NONAPPLICATION
OF
RELEVANT
ELEC-
1
TORATE
TO
ONLINE
COMMUNICATIONS.—Section
2
304(f)(3)(A)(i)(III)
of
such
Act
(52
U.S.C.
3
30104(f)(3)(A)(i)(III)) is amended by inserting ‘‘any
4
broadcast, cable, or satellite’’ before ‘‘communica-
5
tion’’.
6
(3)
NEWS
EXEMPTION.—Section
7
304(f)(3)(B)(i)
of
such
Act
(52
U.S.C.
8
30104(f)(3)(B)(i)) is amended to read as follows:
9
‘‘(i) a communication appearing in a
10
news story, commentary, or editorial dis-
11
tributed through the facilities of any
12
broadcasting station or any online or dig-
13
ital newspaper, magazine, blog, publica-
14
tion, or periodical, unless such broad-
15
casting, online, or digital facilities are
16
owned or controlled by any political party,
17
political committee, or candidate;’’.
18
(b) EFFECTIVE DATE.—The amendments made by
19
this section shall apply with respect to communications
20
made on or after January 1, 2020.
21
SEC. 7. APPLICATION OF DISCLAIMER STATEMENTS TO ON-
22
LINE COMMUNICATIONS.
23
(a) CLEAR AND CONSPICUOUS MANNER REQUIRE-
24
MENT.—Subsection (a) of section 318 of the Federal Elec-
25
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tion Campaign Act of 1971 (52 U.S.C. 30120(a)) is
1
amended—
2
(1) by striking ‘‘shall clearly state’’ each place
3
it appear
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