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II
116TH CONGRESS
1ST SESSION
S. 916
To improve Federal efforts with respect to the prevention of maternal
mortality, and for other purposes.
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
MARCH 27, 2019
Mr. DURBIN (for himself, Ms. DUCKWORTH, Mr. BLUMENTHAL, Mr. VAN
HOLLEN, Mr. MERKLEY, Mr. BROWN, Mr. SANDERS, Ms. SMITH, and
Mr. KING) introduced the following bill; which was read twice and re-
ferred to the Committee on Finance
A BILL
To improve Federal efforts with respect to the prevention
of maternal mortality, and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa-
1
tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
2
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
3
This Act may be cited as the ‘‘Mothers and Offspring
4
Mortality and Morbidity Awareness Act’’ or the
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‘‘MOMMA’s Act’’.
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SEC. 2. FINDINGS.
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Congress finds the following:
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(1) Every year, across the United States,
1
4,000,000 women give birth, about 700 women suf-
2
fer fatal complications during pregnancy, while giv-
3
ing birth or during the postpartum period, and
4
70,000 women suffer near-fatal, partum-related
5
complications.
6
(2) The maternal mortality rate is often used as
7
a proxy to measure the overall health of a popu-
8
lation. While the infant mortality rate in the United
9
States has reached its lowest point, the risk of death
10
for women in the United States during pregnancy,
11
childbirth, or the postpartum period is higher than
12
such risk in many other developed nations. The esti-
13
mated maternal mortality rate (per 100,000 live
14
births) for the 48 contiguous States and Wash-
15
ington, DC increased from 18.8 percent in 2000 to
16
23.8 percent in 2014 to 26.6 percent in 2018. This
17
estimated rate is on par with such rate for under-
18
developed nations such as Iraq and Afghanistan.
19
(3) International studies estimate the 2015 ma-
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ternal mortality rate in the United States as 26.4
21
per 100,000 live births, which is almost twice the
22
2015 World Health Organization estimation of 14
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per 100,000 live births.
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(4) It is estimated that more than 60 percent
1
of maternal deaths in the United States are prevent-
2
able.
3
(5) According to the Centers for Disease Con-
4
trol and Prevention, the maternal mortality rate var-
5
ies drastically for women by race and ethnicity.
6
There are 12.7 deaths per 100,000 live births for
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White women, 43.5 deaths per 100,000 live births
8
for African-American women, and 14.4 deaths per
9
100,000 live births for women of other ethnicities.
10
While maternal mortality disparately impacts Afri-
11
can-American women, this urgent public health crisis
12
traverses race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, edu-
13
cational background, and geography.
14
(6) African-American women are 3 to 4 times
15
more likely to die from causes related to pregnancy
16
and childbirth compared to non-Hispanic White
17
women.
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(7) The findings described in paragraphs (1)
19
through (6) are of major concern to researchers,
20
academics, members of the business community, and
21
providers across the obstetrical continuum rep-
22
resented by organizations such as March of Dimes;
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the Preeclampsia Foundation; the American College
24
of Obstetricians and Gynecologists; the Society for
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Maternal-Fetal Medicine; the Association of Wom-
1
en’s Health, Obstetric, and Neonatal Nurses; the
2
California Maternal Quality Care Collaborative;
3
Black Women’s Health Imperative; the National
4
Birth Equity Collaborative; Black Mamas Matter Al-
5
liance; EverThrive Illinois; the National Association
6
of Certified Professional Midwives; PCOS Challenge:
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The National Polycystic Ovary Syndrome Associa-
8
tion; and the American College of Nurse Midwives.
9
(8) Hemorrhage, cardiovascular and coronary
10
conditions, cardiomyopathy, infection, embolism,
11
mental health conditions, preeclampsia and eclamp-
12
sia, polycystic ovary syndrome, infection and sepsis,
13
and anesthesia complications are the predominant
14
medical causes of maternal-related deaths and com-
15
plications. Most of these conditions are largely pre-
16
ventable or manageable.
17
(9) Oral health is an important part of
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perinatal health. Reducing bacteria in a woman’s
19
mouth during pregnancy can significantly reduce her
20
risk of developing oral diseases and spreading decay-
21
causing bacteria to her baby. Moreover, some evi-
22
dence suggests that women with periodontal disease
23
during pregnancy could be at greater risk for poor
24
birth outcomes, such as preeclampsia, pre-term
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birth, and low-birth weight. Furthermore, a woman’s
1
oral health during pregnancy is a good predictor of
2
her newborn’s oral health, and since mothers can
3
unintentionally spread oral bacteria to their babies,
4
putting their children at higher risk for tooth decay,
5
prevention efforts should happen even before chil-
6
dren are born, as a matter of pre-pregnancy health
7
and prenatal care during pregnancy.
8
(10) The United States has not been able to
9
submit a formal maternal mortality rate to inter-
10
national data repositories since 2007. Thus, no offi-
11
cial maternal mortality rate exists for the United
12
States. There can be no maternal mortality rate
13
without streamlining maternal mortality-related data
14
from the State level and extrapolating such data to
15
the Federal level.
16
(11) In the United States, death reporting and
17
analysis is a State function rather than a Federal
18
process. States report all deaths—including mater-
19
nal deaths—on a semi-voluntary basis, without
20
standardization across States. While the Centers for
21
Disease Control and Prevention has the capacity and
22
system for collecting death-related data based on
23
death certificates, these data are not sufficiently re-
24
ported by States in an organized and standard for-
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mat across States such that the Centers for Disease
1
Control and Prevention is able to identify causes of
2
maternal death and best practices for the prevention
3
of such death.
4
(12) Vital statistics systems often underesti-
5
mate maternal mortality and are insufficient data
6
sources from which to derive a full scope of medical
7
and social determinant factors contributing to ma-
8
ternal deaths. While the addition of pregnancy
9
checkboxes on death certificates since 2003 have
10
likely improved States’ abilities to identify preg-
11
nancy-related deaths, they are not generally com-
12
pleted by obstetrical providers or persons trained to
13
recognize pregnancy-related mortality. Thus, these
14
vital forms may be missing information or may cap-
15
ture inconsistent data. Due to varying maternal
16
mortality-related analyses, lack of reliability, and
17
granularity in data, current maternal mortality
18
informatics do not fully encapsulate the myriad med-
19
ical and socially determinant factors that contribute
20
to such high maternal mortality rates within the
21
United States compared to other developed nations.
22
Lack of standardization of data and data sharing
23
across States and between Federal entities, health
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networks, and research institutions keep the Nation
1
in the dark about ways to prevent maternal deaths.
2
(13) Having reliable and valid State data ag-
3
gregated at the Federal level are critical to the Na-
4
tion’s ability to quell surges in maternal death and
5
imperative for researchers to identify long-lasting
6
interventions.
7
(14) Leaders in maternal wellness highly rec-
8
ommend that maternal deaths be investigated at the
9
State level first, and that standardized, streamlined,
10
de-identified data regarding maternal deaths be sent
11
annually to the Centers for Disease Control and Pre-
12
vention. Such data standardization and collection
13
would be similar in operation and effect to the Na-
14
tional Program of Cancer Registries of the Centers
15
for Disease Control and Prevention and akin to the
16
Confidential Enquiry in Maternal Deaths Pro-
17
gramme in the United Kingdom. Such a maternal
18
mortalities and morbidities registry and surveillance
19
system would help providers, academicians, law-
20
makers, and the public to address questions con-
21
cerning the types of, causes of, and best practices to
22
thwart, pregnancy-related or pregnancy-associated
23
mortality and morbidity.
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(15) The United Nations’ Millennium Develop-
1
ment Goal 5a aimed to reduce by 75 percent, be-
2
tween 1990 and 2015, the maternal mortality rate,
3
yet this metric has not been achieved. In fact, the
4
maternal mortality rate in the United States has
5
been estimated to have more than doubled between
6
2000 and 2014. Yet, because national data are not
7
fully available, the United States does not have an
8
official maternal mortality rate.
9
(16) Many States have struggled to establish or
10
maintain Maternal Mortality Review Committees
11
(referred to in this section as ‘‘MMRC’’). On the
12
State level, MMRCs have lagged because States have
13
not had the resources to mount local reviews. State-
14
level reviews are necessary as only the State depart-
15
ments of health have the authority to request med-
16
ical records, autopsy reports, and police reports crit-
17
ical to the function of the MMRC.
18
(17) The United Kingdom regards maternal
19
deaths as a health systems failure and a national
20
committee of obstetrics experts review each maternal
21
death or near-fatal childbirth complication. Such
22
committee also establishes the predominant course of
23
maternal-related deaths from conditions such as
24
preeclampsia. Consequently, the United Kingdom
25
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has been able to reduce its incidence of preeclampsia
1
to less than one in 10,000 women—its lowest rate
2
since 1952.
3
(18) The United States has no comparable, co-
4
ordinated Federal process by which to review cases
5
of maternal mortality, systems failures, or best prac-
6
tices. Many States have active MMRCs and leverage
7
their work to impact maternal wellness. For exam-
8
ple, the State of California has worked extensively
9
with their State health departments, health and hos-
10
pital systems, and research collaborative organiza-
11
tions, including the California Maternal Quality Care
12
Collaborative and the Alliance for Innovation on Ma-
13
ternal Health, to establish MMRCs, wherein such
14
State has determined the most prevalent causes of
15
maternal mortality and recorded and shared data
16
with providers and researchers, who have developed
17
and implemented safety bundles and care protocols
18
related to preeclampsia, maternal hemorrhage, and
19
the like. In this way, the State of California has
20
been able to leverage its maternal mortality review
21
board system, generate data, and apply those data
22
to effect changes in maternal care-related protocol.
23
To date, the State of California has reduced its ma-
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ternal mortality rate, which is now comparable to
1
the low rates of the United Kingdom.
2
(19) Hospitals and health systems across the
3
United States lack standardization of emergency ob-
4
stetrical protocols before, during, and after delivery.
5
Consequently, many providers are delayed in recog-
6
nizing critical signs indicating maternal distress that
7
quickly escalate into fatal or near-fatal incidences.
8
Moreover, any attempt to address an obstetrical
9
emergency that does not consider both clinical and
10
public health approaches falls woefully under the
11
mark of excellent care delivery. State-based maternal
12
quality collaborative organizations, such as the Cali-
13
fornia Maternal Quality Care Collaborative or enti-
14
ties participating in the Alliance for Innovation on
15
Maternal Health (AIM), have formed obstetrical pro-
16
tocols, tool kits, and other resources to improve sys-
17
tem care and response as they relate to maternal
18
complications and warning signs for such conditions
19
as
maternal
hemorrhage,
hypertension,
and
20
preeclampsia.
21
(20) The Centers for Disease Control and Pre-
22
vention reports that nearly half of all maternal
23
deaths occur in the immediate postpartum period—
24
the 42 days following a pregnancy—whereas more
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than one-third of pregnancy-related or pregnancy-as-
1
sociated deaths occur while a person is still preg-
2
nant. Yet, for women eligible for the Medicaid pro-
3
gram on the basis of pregnancy, such Medicaid cov-
4
erage lapses at the end of the month on which the
5
60th postpartum day lands.
6
(21) The experience of serious traumatic
7
events, such as being exposed to domestic violence,
8
substance use disorder, or pervasive racism, can
9
over-activate the body’s stress-response system.
10
Known as toxic stress, the repetition of high-doses
11
of cortisol to the brain, can harm healthy neuro-
12
logical development, which can have cascading phys-
13
ical and mental health consequences, as documented
14
in the Adverse Childhood Experiences study of the
15
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
16
(22) A growing body of evidence-based research
17
has shown the correlation between the stress associ-
18
ated with one’s race—the stress of racism—and
19
one’s birthing outcomes. The stress of sex and race
20
discrimination and institutional racism ha
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